Article
In the West, the disintegration, or even a crisis, of democracy has been discussed for years. In order for democracy to work, it must be reinforced, new methods of operation must be found and there must be greater inclusion.
Published
28.4.2017
In the West, the disintegration, or even a crisis, of democracy has been discussed for years. Turnout percentages and party memberships have steadily decreased. However, awareness of the crisis in discussions has not led to activities to reinforce democracy. Not even the financial crisis or the rise of populism have brought reforms. The game only changed in 2016.
The United Kingdom’s decision to leave the EU, the subversive election struggle in the United States and Donald Trump’s presidency, which defied all familiar political models, have encapsulated many of the problems with democracy that must be solved promptly. In order for democracy to work, it must be reinforced, new methods of operation must be found and there must be greater inclusion.
In egalitarian and affluent societies, there is greater democracy and inclusion.
A discussion on the future of democracy is always strongly linked to a consideration of the future of the whole of society, since democracy is linked to many aspects. General welfare, equality, confidence, education, social capital, the function of institutions, employment and the economy are essential for the realisation of democracy and inclusion. In egalitarian and affluent societies, there is greater democracy and inclusion.
By many indicators, Finland has fared well in terms of the state of democracy and society. However, we differ from our Nordic neighbours in terms of our low electoral turnout percentages, significantly lower employment and less even distribution of the fruits of our economic growth.
When we contemplate the future of democracy, it is interesting to remember what democracy was like in the 19th century. In Finland, legislative power was wielded by the estates assembling at the House of Estates. However, the industrial revolution significantly changed societies by creating a new class, the working class. With this turning point, the power of the estates and the House of Estates became part of history and transformed into the modern industrial-age mass parties, and democracy became the parliamentary legislative power at the Parliament, or a representative democracy. It is fascinating to reflect on what might be the 21st-century class or estate that defines the composition of society and therefore also the future form of administrative authority.
As for new power, it is like a current. The more people join it, the stronger it becomes.
The rapid development of technology and globalisation are the most significant dynamics affecting the realisation of representative democracy. Technology has led to fundamental changes in power structures, allowing people easy access to information via the internet. Old power can be likened to foreign currency of the past: few people had it, and once they had it they rationed and jealously guarded its use.
Whereas new power is like a current. The more people join it, the stronger it becomes. Different sides often dangerously underestimate or naively romanticise each other. The tension between old and new power is likely to define society’s symptoms and the new challenges of democracy for a long time in the future.
Scenarios on the future of democracy may be very different.
In a positive scenario, the developments already bubbling under the surface lead to a new lease of life for democracy and encourage people to join different parties and to group together to solve the world’s serious problems in entirely new ways. The emerging movements will move phenomena-based matters onto the political agenda, and bold innovations will be made in the political system to allow this to happen. For major issues, real-time citizens’ councils will be consulted, and technology will be used in tandem with face-to-face discussions. Artificial intelligence will be used, and the willingness to modernise and open up their methods of operation will help parties and movements to unite throughout the political arena.
On the other hand, a pessimistic scenario might see democracy as more fragile than we imagine, and the inability to reform it will erode its acceptability. Decision-makers will tighten their grip on the power that remains. As a result, there will be a surge towards an authoritarian exercise of power, political division and social unrest. New movements will aggressively challenge the existing system, and there will be strong antipathy between the elite and the rest of the population.
It is worth remembering that these scenarios are no more than potential outlines of the future, and reality will often exhibit features of many different impressions and scenarios of the future.
Whatever the future may be like, it is currently important to:
Deeper insight into the changes in democracy and inclusion is available at nextera.global
In the Nordic countries, the megatrends of work, democracy and the economy are visibly intertwined with people’s everyday lives. However, we should not forget that at the same time many parallel and conflicting developments are going on in the rest of the world. The future may look very different depending from whose point of view they are examined.
For instance, the current situation in global politics is extremely uncertain, and almost all continents are struggling with irregularities and the “black swan” phenomena caused by surprising events. In Europe, the political situation is reflected in matters such as the uncertain future of the EU. The Middle East is struggling with regional conflicts and civil wars. In Africa, the increasing drought and famines add to the political uncertainty, while the growth of young populations is also changing the world’s focus, making us pay attention to this large continent. In Russia, there are simmering conflicts with respect to Putin’s authoritarian rule, and the unpredictable foreign and domestic policies in the United States and the tensions in Asia and between North Korea, South Korea, China and Japan are extremely alarming.
Despite these threats, we must also envision a future from the standpoints that we can affect by our own actions and accept that, in an uncertain world, the direction may also change quickly. The purpose of anticipation is not to provide certain answers. It is intended to open our minds to the different development options and the kind of future we want to aim for in a complicated world.